Indonesia’s Reformasi 2.0: the political echoes of 1998 movements with contemporary 17+8 demands

PHOTO: Bagir Bahana on Unsplash

On 25 August, 2025, nationwide social unrest sparked across Indonesia.

These demonstrations emerged amid broader civil unrest over economic hardships and a planned increase in housing subsidies for parliamentarians. Since early 2025, Indonesian citizens have been grappling with rising costs of living, widening inequality, and limited job opportunities, especially among young people.

Amongst this economic discontent, news of lavish perks for lawmakers, was seen as a symbol of elitism and indifference. Initially, protestors demanded that the House of Representatives cancel the subsidy schemes and discipline MPs who had made dismissive or insulting remarks about the public’s concerns, such as with Ahmad Sahroni, who called critics of the parliament “the dumbest people in the world”. 

However, the growing intensity of the protests pushed the discourse beyond economic grievances. Focus turned towards systemic issues, especially towards the Indonesian National Police (Polri), whose reputation had long been tainted by allegations of corruption and violence. Intensity peaked after the death of Affan Kurniawan, a motorcycle taxi driver struck by an armoured vehicle, provoking and uniting diverse groups under a common cause.

Student-led protest leaders framed the movement not only as a fight against elite privileges, but as a call for institutional reform, demanding a restructuring of the police force and the resignation of the national police chief, General Listyo Sigit Prabowo. The movement evolved from a reaction against parliamentary privilege into a nationwide struggle for political accountability, economic justice, and the protection of democratic norms. 

This movement has prompted the recollection of the Reformasi movement of 1998, which ended three decades of the, often perceived as dictatorial, rule of Soeharto, ushering in a new democratic age. In both cases, economic hardship, corruption, and public anger at elites’ privilege becomes catalysts for mass mobilisation. Just as the Asian Financial Crisis of the late 1990s created economic pressure on ordinary citizens and exposed the excesses of Soeharto’s inner circle, the rising cost of living in 2025, paired with revelations of parliamentary indulgence, stirred resentment among citizens.

Another parallel lies in the role of students as the vanguard of resistance. In 1998, universities became hubs of resistance, with students leading occupations of parliament and demanding Soeharto’s resignation. This phenomenon reappeared in 2025 as students emerged as key organisers, framing protests as not merely about allowances but also fundamental reforms of state institutions, particularly the police and military, echoing the Reformasi’s calls for accountability in politics.

Yet, while the Reformasi movement culminated in the resignation of a president and dismantling of a dictatorial structure, the 2025 unrest unfolds in a country which already has two decades worth of experience in electoral democracy. The grievances are no longer about transitioning away from authoritarianism, but about the erosion of democratic ideals, re-emergence of military influence, rampant corruption, and declining public trust in representative institutions.

1998 Reformasi marked a turning point towards democracy, whereas 2025 unrest is a struggle to preserve and revitalise that democratic legacy. The continuity lies in the enduring role of mobilisation, particularly youth and student activism, as a corrective force against political elites.

17+8 People’s Demands

Formulated by pro-democracy activists, student groups, and social media influencers, the 17+8 People’s Demands emerged as a political product of Indonesia’s 2025 protests. The demands were presented on September 1st of 2025 as a unified and structured call for reform. The demands were categorized into 17 short-term goals to be achieved by September 5, 2025,  and eight long-term reforms to be implemented by August 31, 2026. These demands addressed key issues such as economic justice for workers, teachers, health professionals, and ride-hailing partners, along with measures to prevent mass layoffs and engage in serious dialogue with unions.

The demands span three key areas of reform. The first, government accountability, demands transparency in budgeting and the cancellation of excessive allowances for lawmakers. The second point relates to institutional reforms, calling for the Indonesian National Police to release all detained protesters and denounce repressive practices. Last is military oversight, calling for the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) to withdraw from civilian affairs and avoid encroachment into civilian governance, which has been expanding since President Prabowo Subianto took office.

The 1998 Reformasi movement was a breakthrough against authoritarianism, however, many of its promises were never fully realised or have been gradually eroded. The 17+8 People’s Demands can be seen as both a completion of unfinished reforms and response to contemporary contexts and challenges. Demands such as curbing military influence, prosecuting corrupt officials, and reforming parliament reflects the same aspiration pushed for in 1998 but not fully implemented. Economic inequality, digital era labour issues, and youth activism reflect issues unique to the modern political climate. This movement is a bridge, honouring unfinished reforms while adapting to contemporary societal challenges.

Yet, the movement faces practical challenges. While ambitious, the breadth of the agenda risks diluting the focus of the movement, as pushing 25 different demands at once can overwhelm political channels. Many demands challenge entrenched interests that have resisted Reformasi’s full implementation. As of 23 September 2025, there has been only a partial response by the government of Indonesia, addressing short term demands such as parliamentary perks, with a cabinet reshuffle as the most significant change.

With this, seven of the short term demands, and two of the long term demands are in progress. Nevertheless, as with Reformasi, even if a full implementation is not immediately achievable, the 17+8 movement has the power to shape public discourse and gradually steer policy in the direction of meaningful reform.

PHOTO: Angel Evangeline on Unsplash

International implications

Indonesia’s 2025 unrest, solidified by the 17+8 people’s demands and the mass mobilisation that began on 25 August, matters well beyond Jakarta. Regionally, the unrest can spark two opposing dynamics in southeast Asia. On one hand, Indonesia’s youth-led energy and clarity of demands have produced trans-border sympathy and dialogue among young activists, with #SEAblings trending hashtags across social media. This mass online mobilisation has occurred before with the Milk Tea Alliance among netizens from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Thailand, and Myanmar in response to the increase of Chinese nationalists  on social media.

On the other hand, the Indonesian example provides illiberal or security-focused governments a contemporary precedent to justify tougher measures: pointing to street violence, economic disruption, or “chaos” narratives to rationalise restrictions on assembly, speech, or independent media.  While such a thing has not happened yet in the case of Indonesia, the government’s implementation of tougher measures by invoking foreign threats or disorder is not a new idea. The 2019 protests in Hong Kong showed authorities’ response, invoking foreign interference and external threats as justifying the imposition of the National Security Law. The law criminalises acts of “collusion with foreign forces,”  and “secession,” which has been used to suppress media, restrict speech and assembly.

As ASEAN’s largest democracy, prolonged turmoil raises questions among partners about Jakarta’s stability. The government’s heavy-handed responses and the removal of high-profile technocrats (notably the finance minister) has spooked global investors. The market and the rupiah reacted negatively, and analysts flagged worries about policy direction and central-bank independence. Short-term capital flight, currency pressure, and higher risk premiums are realistic outcomes for such uncertainties. In other words: investors view unrest as a risk, especially after the abrupt removal of the finance minister during the cabinet reshuffle. Partners such as foreign investors, financial institutions, and trading partners, view it as a diplomatic and normative dilemma.

Looking globally, Reformasi 2.0 fits a broader pattern of youth-led demands and movements for democracy. Recent youth uprisings, such as in Nepal and France show a common thread: young people are less satisfied with formal electoral freedom alone and instead demand concrete accountability. International reports on youth protest dynamics emphasize that these movements combine online mobilisation, horizontal organising, and concrete, often enumerated demands, exactly the traits of the 17+8. This pattern suggests that the 2025 movement is a part of a global youth demand: democracy which delivers fairness, transparency, and institutional redress.

Democracy and political protest in the future

The 2025 protests and its parallels to the 1998 Reformasi teaches us the nature of democratic practice as a dynamic concept. How people interpret democracy unfolds across time; Indonesia’s 1998 Reformasi laid down a foundation on which 17+8 People’s Demands stand upon, what was once an abstract aspiration have instead become concrete and structured demands. For international observers, aside from its tangible international impact, this movement is not isolated and is a part of a larger structure, similar to other movements worldwide. Taken together, there is a certain degree of understanding that can be taken through two lenses: how democracy and political protest behave across time and space.