Are women empowered, or just in power: Politics, ‘Choice’ Feminism and the Far-Right

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With increasing female representation in positions of power across the world, some scholars are now pointing to a more feminist future. However, the rise of the far-right movement and the prominence of female political actors within these spaces paints a different, much more complex, picture. Rather than promoting progressive and inclusive policies, many of these women are actively implementing discriminatory practices. And with the popularisation of individualised ‘choice feminism’, the conflation of ‘women in power’ and women empowerment has only worsened.

Deconstructing ‘choice’

The rise of third-wave ‘choice feminism’ has emerged as a product of our current socio-political environment, with an increasingly individualised approach to ‘empowerment’. Much of the mainstream discourse has created a buzzword out of a historically radical social movement, leading to both genuine and strategic confusion of its meaning. In privileging individual ‘choice’, proponents of choice feminism enthusiastically proclaim the inherent feminism of any woman’s decision-making. Unfortunately, advertisers have begun to catch on. In the same breath, companies market themselves as ‘empowering’ whilst exploiting women’s insecurities for profit, such as fear-mongering to sell anti-müllerian hormone (AMH) tests. In 2020, a further 482 complaints about cosmetic treatment ads were received by the UK Advertising Standards Authority for ‘exploit[ing] consumers’ potential insecurities about their bodies’. 

However, this co-optation has extended to the political realm as well, with far-right politicians galvanising support for discriminatory policies under the guise of women’s rights. Moreover, through the subtle invocation of ‘choice’ feminist notions of female empowerment, some female leaders have succeeded in partially insulating themselves from criticism, in turn strengthening their political power and expanding voter base.  

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The politics of ‘protecting’ women

Unsurprisingly, many actors have capitalised on the opportunity to co-opt the broader feminist movement for personal and political gains. In particular, the nationalist and racially-discriminatory tenets of the far-right polity have flourished within this social-political environment. Notably, anti-immigration and islamophobic rhetoric has been conflated with the ‘protection’ of women’s rights in far-right circles- most recently in the United Kingdom, France, and Italy.

In early August of this year, the stabbings of three young girls in the English town of Southport, Queensland were soon followed by a barrage of violent protests, as misinformation about the perpetrator’s immigration status and religion rapidly spread online. Despite the lack of evidence and unfounded claims, rioters attacked mosques and hotels where migrants were residing in the name of  ‘heroic’ action. Many in attendance were supporters of the English Defence League- an organisation with white supremacist and Islamophobic ideology- and argued their violent actions were taken to protect innocent women and children against the “threat” of immigrants and Muslims. 

Far-right women in power

This inflammatory rhetoric has also manifested in less overtly violent forms, with

some women taking leading roles in the promotion and dissemination of these ideas. During the European Union (EU) June 2024 elections, 33 percent of French women voted for Le Pen’s far-right Rassemblement National (RN). Not only did French far-right female support significantly increase from 2019, it also surpassed that of male voters- a trend uniquely experienced by France compared to fellow EU states. Despite stepping down as President, several experts credit Marine Le Pen’s leadership as fundamental to the RN’s ongoing revival. Key areas of concern have included: the ‘protection’ of women’s safety (anti-immigration policy), and the ‘protection’ of women’s rights (demonising Islam through the proliferation of Islamophobia). Nonna Mayer, a political scientist who specialises in the French far-right, argues Le Pen’s electoral success has been largely due to her unique ability to mobilise the support of women as opposed to previous RN leadership. 

Another key female figure-head in far-right politics is Italy’s current prime minister Giorgia Meloni, and head of the Brothers of Italy party. In her 2022 victory speech, Meloni recalled populist rhetoric, claiming she will “always be one of the people” whilst hinting at racist ideology in her party’s commitment to “defend [Europe’s] identity from every cultural subjugation that sees Europe renounce its history to adopt that of others”. While not explicitly stated, Meloni’s views are reminiscent of the white supremacist conspiracy ‘The Great Replacement’, which the Italian Minister of Agriculture has already publicly endorsed. Furthemore, Meloni’s remarks are consistent with earlier statements in 2022, where she explicitly outlined her stance on several contentious issues, saying “no to the LGBT lobby, yes to sexual identity, no to gender ideology… no to Islamist violence, yes to secure borders, no to mass migration!”. The mass packaging of national security, migration and Islamist violence has, and continues to remain a key feature of Meloni’s far-right politics and political campaign. 

The power of ‘everyday women’ in the far-right movement

The power and influence of the participation of ‘ordinary’ women in far-right movements has also been largely overlooked by academic experts in better understanding right-wing extremism. In the United States, women played a vital role in the organisation and permit planning for the January 6 insurrection. The “Stop the Steal” rally relied on organisers to successfully mobilise thousands of people. Additionally, small parent groups such as Moms for Liberty have grown in size and influence, and now advocate across the US for bans on books that are not in accordance with the far-right agenda.

Academic research has shown that the reductive assumption that “all women are predisposed towards feminism” has prevented a better understanding of the role women take up within far-right spaces, and their support for its key ideas. While many of these women may not necessarily associate themselves with ‘feminist’ labels, the prevalence and influence of choice feminist rhetoric also encourages the universal view that all women’s actions are empowering. In reality, while some women may benefit from these decisions, the broader movement and women’s rights do not. The resulting implications of these notions fails to consider the support of the far-right agenda amongst women themselves and ultimately serves to diminish the dangerous consequences of far-right ‘everyday women’ – and their actions – by functioning as a shield from harsher critique. 

Intersectionality: Building an inclusive future for feminism and politics

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Evidently, there is a grave danger in granting women in power a certain immunity against legitimate critique. Characterising all women as supporters and champions of women’s rights is inaccurate, and largely counterproductive. Ironically, this assumption fundamentally denies women their autonomy in forming personal political views and opinions.

 Currently in Brazil, the right to abortion is being contested, with local feminist movements taking unified community action in their fight for decriminalisation and improved access to abortions. However, the increasing value of one’s own personal ‘freedoms’ over collective liberation continues to pose a challenge to the feminist movement in many parts of the world. In response, many feminists have continued to advocate for the adoption of intersectional feminism. Developed in 1989 by the American academic Kimberlé Crenshaw, intersectionality seeks to acknowledge “how race, class, gender, and other individual characteristics “intersect” with one another and overlap.” Crucially, this inclusive approach stands to pushback against far-right ideology, in decoupling the ‘protection’ of women’s rights from anti-immigrant, Islamophobic and racist politics.

While bell hooks wrote “Feminism is for Everybody”, not everybody nor every woman is a feminist. Nevertheless, feminists around the world continue to fight for collective rather th individual notions of false empowerment. By fostering a more inclusive and intersectional feminism, rather than one based on assumptions or the valorisation of individual ‘choice’, perhaps a fairer, feminist future is possible.