When the historically bloody conflict in his disputed homeland reignited once again, one Kashmiri citizen said:
“Whenever India and Pakistan fight, we are the first ones to suffer.”
(Yasir & Gettleman 2019, para. 27)
Residents of Kashmir have long remained the forgotten victims of the 70-year-old border conflict between Pakistan and India, which blew up again last month. Silenced and marginalised, the population in Kashmir simply crave their own autonomy (‘Majority in Kashmir Valley want independence: poll’ 2007, para. 1).
Drawing a line on the map
The source of these tensions dates back to the British withdrawal from their Indian colony, when the colony was split in two, leading to the establishment of two independent states; India and Pakistan. In an attempt to satisfy religious divisions, the partition allowed for the creation of Pakistan, a Muslim majority state, and India, a Hindu majority state. Yet British policy makers failed to recognise the complex internal divisions and simply drew a line on the map to separate the two states (‘Cyril Radcliffe: The man who drew the partition line’ 2017).
The people of Kashmir were left in limbo following British departure. The semi-autonomous princely state in the northern border region of Pakistan and India, was of Muslim majority, although in the post-partition phase, although during the post-partition phase chose to be succeeded by India. Both states, therefore, see their territorial claims to Kashmir as legitimate and justified.
The unresolved external issues that continue to plague the northern border region today are a result of this failure to recognise the local religious and ethnic divisions. The sudden establishment of two states led to mass migration, with as many as 12 million individuals seeking to ensure they would not be left on the wrong side of the border (‘Cyril Radcliffe: The man who drew the partition line’ 2017). What would follow has been years of religious violence and an ongoing conflict, with the people of Kashmir stuck in the middle of the two warring countries (‘Cyril Radcliffe: The man who drew the partition line’ 2017).
A cry for the end to conflict
While both India and Pakistan lay claim the entirety of Kashmir for themselves, the people of only seek to claim one thing; independence. As jets continued to shell Kashmir throughout February and into March, Mohammad Ashraf Wani, a local said:
“Our last hope is that war will solve this once and for all.”
(Farooq & Safi 2019, para. 4)
The people in Kashmir are fed up with being a pawn in regional politics (Farooq & Safi 2019, para. 4). Currently split between the two states, Kashmir has been a flash point of conflict since partition. The effect of the ongoing bombings and military skirmishes has often been upon the people who bear the brunt of each explosion. Their life is disrupted, they live in a constant state of fear with soldiers permanently stationed on either side of the line, constantly firing shells back and forth at each other.
The recent resurgence of conflict in mid-February has reverberated throughout India – with Kashmiri university students assaulted following the suicide bombing, Kashmiri citizens across their homeland have been evicted by landlords, their shops and homes looted. They are punished for merely being Kashmiri, as separatists are portrayed by Indian authorities as terrorists and extremists. The Modi Government has alienated the Kashmiri minority, using them as a scapegoat for this conflict.
When asked about the conflict, Kashmir University Professor Aijaz Ashraf Wani, said:
“We are the grass that suffers in the fight between two elephants.”
(Yasir & Gettleman 2019, para. 29)
In June 2018 the United Nations urged an inquiry into human rights violations against the Muslim-majority population in Kashmir (United Nations Office of the High Commissioner Human Rights 2018, para. 1). Despite this, more than 500 people were killed in the region in 2018, including both civilians, militants and Indian security forces (Nebehay & Menon 2018, para. 1).
More than ten civilians have been killed on both sides of the border during the recent outbreak of fighting (Mughal & Hussain 2019, 1). This does not account for the number of civilians who have been injured, had their lives disrupted, or liberties restricted due to the constant battle for Kashmir.
While the cry for independence and self-determination in Kashmir seems overwhelming, it cannot be said to be absolute. There is a big intergenerational gap, with the younger portion of the Kashmiri population largely alienated from Indian authority, and the five different regions of Kashmir each seek different levels of autonomy from the power-hungry neighbours (Ullah 2016, para. 8). But what remains paramount is however that none of these regions have had the chance to have their say – their voices are lost in the wail of Pakistan and India’s shells that fall on their homes.
Who’s cashing in on Kashmir?
Following the separatists’ attack on the military convoy, which killed 46 people, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi vowed to issue a “crushing” to insurgents in the state of Kashmir and Pakistan (‘India warns of ‘crushing response’ to Kashmir’ 2019, para. 1). President Modi is facing a serious challenge in the upcoming national elections in May and the ability to counteract the deadliest attack in Kashmir in 30 years has the potential to work in his favour. A strong militant response from Modi was received well throughout the country, as fireworks were released, and effigies burnt, across India people were celebrating on hearing of the retaliatory strikes against Pakistan (Heanue 2019, para. 16). It appears utilising Kashmir as a pawn is an effective power play by the Modi administration.
Pakistan’s new Prime Minister Imran Khan on the other hand is facing economic downturn and is sourcing bailouts from both Saudi Arabia and China (Aamir 2018, para. 7). Khan is in dire need to establish a sense of control of his state and demonstrate legitimacy to voters. A war over Kashmir, over even the continued escalation of border skirmishes allows Pakistan’s new leader the perfect opportunity to flex his muscles.
Kashmir has become a political tool used and abused by India and Pakistan’s leaders for political gain.
Nuclear weapons on a cliff’s edge
The repercussions of escalation in the current reignition of Indian and Pakistani conflict are also grave. Two hostile neighbours, who both have weapons of mass destruction is a major concern. India first achieved nuclear proliferation in 1974, following two Indo-Pakistani wars in the 1960’s and 70’s. In an attempt to counter the threat posed by India’s nuclear weapons, Pakistan established their own nuclear weapons programme, undertaking the first test in 1998 (Nuclear war between India and Pakistan?’ 2019, para. 13).
If a full-scale war did break out between Pakistan and India, it would be the first time that the two states both possess nuclear weapons. Any further escalation of conflict on the Himalayan border region of Kashmir creates a terrifying possibility that has grave repercussions beyond the immediate region. World leaders were quick to try and downplay the conflict labelling the assault ‘skirmishes’, while the Pakistani authorities countered India’s claim that 300 militants were killed by Indian airstrikes in an attempt to relieve tensions and prevent the need for retaliation (Heanue 2019, para. 9).
During a television news address, Pakistan’s Prime Minister said:
“All big wars have been due to miscalculation. My question to India is, that given the weapons we have, can we afford miscalculation?.”
(Yasir & Gettleman 2019, para. 29).
If not for the people of Kashmir, then for the entirety of the world, we can only hope that India and Pakistan keep this question in mind when considering their next move.
Bibliography
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